Corruption was a “systemic and endemic feature and practice” of governance under the Al-Assad family’s decades-long rule in Syria, especially during the 24-year presidency of the now-ousted Bashar al-Assad, according to a new report by the Syrian Legal Development Program (SLDP).
The London-based legal group says the Assad regime relied on crony capitalism and corruption not only to enrich itself but to maintain authoritarian control in the wake of Syria’s civil war. The report warns that failure by Syria’s transitional government, led by Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, to confront entrenched economic crimes could jeopardize efforts to achieve justice and long-term accountability.
If left unaddressed, Syria risks “[missing] a prime opportunity to reckon the full scale of the Assad regime’s legacy of abuse,” the report says, adding that inaction would “constitute a disservice to victims” and perpetuate impunity by allowing perpetrators to retain illicit gains. 
“Economic crimes must be treated with the same seriousness as atrocity crimes. Corruption has historically enabled perpetrators to avoid justice, as seen in other post-authoritarian states like Chile, the Philippines, and Indonesia,” SLDP legal officer Alreem Kamal told OCCRP.
Among six corrupt practices linked to the Assad regime, the SLDP highlights Syria’s transformation into a narco-state and the proliferation of captagon trafficking. The drug trade, the report says, has produced massive illicit financial flows that have helped the regime circumvent sanctions, deepen systemic corruption, and prolong the conflict.
Another key feature of the Assad-era system was the so-called “industry of disappearance.” The report describes how extortion was institutionalized through intelligence agencies and detention centers, which demanded payments from families in exchange for information, visitation rights, or promised releases. This practice, SLDP estimates, has generated around $900 million since 2010.
In a bid to address these abuses, Syria’s transitional government in May established the National Commission for Transitional Justice and the National Commission for the Missing and Forcibly Disappeared. The European Union welcomed the move, calling it a critical step toward justice and truth for the Syrian people.
“Efforts on transitional justice are fundamental to lay the groundwork for reconciliation and lasting peace in Syria. Investigating the fate of all missing persons will be a crucial step in bringing closure to families and communities affected,” the EU said in a statement.
While the launch of the commissions is seen as progress, SLDP outlined further steps needed to dismantle the regime’s legacy. The report urged the recovery of assets illicitly acquired by Assad-era officials and their associates, calling for international cooperation on asset tracing and recovery. It also stressed the need for “deep institutional reforms in sectors most affected by corruption” to prevent a resurgence of the same abusive systems.
Yet as the government forms committees to tackle corruption, questions persist.
“How to hold entrenched businessmen and front business networks accountable—and whether to redistribute their wealth—while avoiding further damage to an already fragile economy,” asked Syrian economist Karam Shaar.
According to reports, a “special committee” has been created to investigate the financial networks of prominent regime-linked businessmen, including U.S.-sanctioned tycoons Mohammed Hamsho and Samer Foz. While authorities have reportedly reached settlements with some high-profile figures, many Assad-era elites remain untouched.
“Beyond the high-profile figures sanctioned internationally, authorities in Damascus have struggled to effectively track and penalize lesser-known cronies,” Shaar said.
Even senior operatives have evaded accountability. Yasser Ibrahim, Assad’s longtime financial fixer, reportedly fled to Russia with the former president in December 2024. Syrian authorities are now working to trace assets Ibrahim allegedly funneled through shell companies to bypass sanctions, though much of the money may already have been laundered through global financial channels.
Meanwhile, two prominent Assad relatives failed to overturn EU sanctions in the past year. In September 2024, the European General Court dismissed Samer Kamal al-Assad’s request to be delisted, citing insufficient proof he was uninvolved in regime-linked corruption. In December, the court similarly rejected Mudar al-Assad’s appeal.
Despite some movement, the financial probes and settlements remain opaque—raising concerns about transparency and whether the deeply rooted structures of Assad-era corruption are truly being dismantled.
“Transparency is critical,” said Shaar. “Records of economic decisions—including financial settlements with former cronies or foreign investments—must be made public. Independent audits overseen by Syrian or international bodies can help prevent corruption and favoritism, build public trust, and secure international support.”
